The moral high ground is a status - real or perceived - that politicians strive to capture in order to legitimise their political position on issues and the public offices they hold.
Mr Clean: PM Abhisit Vejjajiva greets villagers at a function to open a road in the restive southern province of Yala yesterday.—AFP
US President Franklin D Roosevelt and Prime Minister Winston Churchill of England held the moral high ground of protecting freedom and democracy, ultimately leading to victory over the fascist regime of Adolf Hitler in WWII.
President Abraham Lincoln, in refusing to deny the basic rights of human beings by abolishing slavery, fought and won the Civil War, to firmly establish his ideals of justice, goodness and honesty.
Few modern politicians can claim such a status. Nelson Mandela and Aung San Suu Kyi come to mind. And although there are those truly committed to their beliefs, many are merely trying to create a perception of being moral as a ploy to ensure their political survival.
But in the end, to paraphrase Abraham Lincoln, you can fool the people some of the time but not all the time, as the truth will eventually prove the politicians' true worthiness.
In addition, on the issue of moral high ground, Robert H Frank, in his book: What Price the Moral High Ground? Ethical Dilemmas in Competitive Environments (Princeton University Press, 2009) challenges "the notion that doing well is accomplished only at the expense of doing good", that "honest individuals often succeed, even in highly competitive environments, because their commitment to principle makes them more attractive as trading partners" (Wikipedia, "Moral High Ground").
Keeping the concept in mind, a disturbing trend has emerged in Thai public perception in recent years. Polls show that Thais are willing to compromise honesty with the ability to work effectively. Politicians can be "a little" corrupt so long as they can deliver goods and services as promised.
The shade of grey becomes darker as politicians pay lip service to honesty while the pretence of being effective serves as a shield to their corrupt ways. Society as a whole loses. Is there really no "Honest Abe" in Thai politics?
Prime Minister Abhisit Vejjajiva is striving to be one. His rapid rise in his political career is attributed to his good looks, quick wit, eloquent speech and, most of all, his honesty, with a clean record throughout his years of public service. He builds his credibility on being incorruptible, and now as PM he is capturing, and one may even say monopolising, the moral high ground to maintain his premiership.
His first act at the head of the cabinet table early last year was to set the Nine Iron Rules of Do's and Don't's, three of which directly address the issue of honesty and corruption prevention.
"Cabinet ministers must work with honesty and integrity, extending to their subordinates and staff." (Rule No. 2.)
"The government is ready for auditing in policy performance and other matters. Ministers must not create barriers to such audits." (No. 8.)F "Ministers have no privileges over the people in following the rule of law. Political accountability and responsibility come before legal obligations." (No. 9.)
However, within the first few months, there was the "rotten canned fish" scandal at the Ministry of Human Resources and Security. Then there were abuses in the Community Sufficiency Project at the Office of the Prime Minister. The most damaging is the latest scandal at the Ministry of Public Health as the PM-appointed investigation committee found the minister and deputy minister guilty of negligence regarding alleged plans to abuse funds.
Even though his ministers blundered, the government survived due to PM Abhisit's ability to claim the moral high ground. With political shrewdness, he has also been able to manage the crises. Minister of Human Resources and Security Vitoon Nambutr and Minister of Public Health Wittaya Kaewparadai resigned from their ministries. Korbsak Sabhavasu also resigned as chairman of the Community Sufficiency Project under the pretence of "political spirit".
But in actuality, Mr Korbsak retained his deputy PM post and will eventually be rotated as secretary-general to the PM. Mr Wittaya got a consolation prize as the government chief whip, and Mr Vitoon was actually replaced by his own protege. Of course, all three are members of PM Abhisit's ruling Democrat Party.
Slightly different treatment is meted out to members of the coalition.
Sohpon Zarum, the minister of transport, was stopped in his tracks with the 4,000 buses project when there were questions about its viability. Porntiva Nakasai, the minister of commerce, has a long-standing feud with Deputy PM Korbsak and PM Abhisit himself over the issue of quotas for various agricultural products. The Deputy Minister of Public Health, Manit Nopamormvadee, is now in the hot seat with pressure to resign. All three are from Bhumjaithai Party in the ruling coalition.
PM Abhisit may sincerely want to set a higher standard for Thai politics - and he must be commended for his attempt. One also cannot blame him if he works to strengthen his strong points as his political immunity. But he has more to prove than just claiming to be ethical. He must not use his moral high ground as a camouflage for any wrongdoing, either.
In essence, PM Abhisit must continue to make accountability stick, which means the investigations into all the charges, be they about alleged corruption, abuse of power or negligence, must continue and not be swept under the carpet because the people implicated have changed positions in a musical-chairs move.
And there should be no "double standard" in treatment between those in the Democrat Party and the coalition partners. The Democrats have historically always been accused of aow dee sai tua, aow chua sai kon uen or "keeping the credit to oneself while placing the blame on others," a bad trademark which politicians in other parties believe and despise.
Mr Abhisit's continuity as prime minister depends on whether he will decide upon each case fairly and in a transparent manner.
More importantly, his moral "superiority" may buy him some time but it will not last forever. Eventually the public will judge him and his administration not on the clean image and good looks but on performance in solving the nation's woes. The economy, the political conflicts, and the Southern violence remain high on the agenda without any substantial progress.
It is time for PM Abhisit to prove his political worthiness in managing the country and to understand that his success - and his legacy for that matter - depends not only on "doing good" but also on "doing well".
Suranand Vejjajiva served in the Thaksin Shinawatra cabinet and is now a political analyst.
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